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Marching Forward
The New York Times
March 22, 2003
David Callahan
Today there will be another rally for peace in Manhattan. In the
last few months, the United States has seen the emergence of the
largest antiwar movement since the days of Vietnam. Yet the
protests had no evident impact on the Bush administration's
plans for war in Iraq, which began Wednesday.
The movement could still influence the direction of United
States foreign policy by signaling the profound unease that many
Americans feel about a militarized, unilateral approach to the
world. It may be, however, that the greater significance of the
protests lies in what they portend for politics here at home.
While antiwar movements are rarely successful in their immediate
goal, they are often prescient indicators of the national mood.
Historically, antiwar movements have nearly always put forth
larger critiques of how American society is organized, and have
often been entwined with powerful social movements focused on
domestic problems. Protesters against the Mexican-American War
of 1846, worried that it would add more slave-holding states to
the Union, energized the abolitionist movement. At the turn of
the century, many critics of the imperialistic Spanish-American
War were also leaders in a growing push to curb the power of
corporate trusts.
Likewise, the intense opposition among many Progressive leaders
to America's entry into World War I was wrapped up in domestic
considerations. These leaders -- the predecessors of New Deal
liberals -- argued that initiatives to create greater social and
economic equity should take precedence over involvement in a
European war. In the 1960's, the movement against the Vietnam
War was linked to a range of national reform efforts, including
demands for more civil rights and less poverty. The protests
also helped create a counterculture of nonconformity that
reshaped American society.
What might today's antiwar movement say about domestic politics?
Two undercurrents of the protests hint at larger critiques of
United States society that seem to be gaining momentum. One
relates to consumption, the other to democracy.
Recent years have seen mounting public uneasiness with the
relentless consumption and waste in America. This uneasiness
fuels new and different kinds of environmental activism, like
campaigns against suburban sprawl or S.U.V.'s. It also underlies
the growing movement of "downshifting," which emphasizes
simplicity and authenticity over earning and spending.
So when antiwar protesters chant about oil, it should come as no
surprise. They are questioning not just the huge United States
military presence in the Persian Gulf; they are also criticizing
a wasteful American way of life. This critique of our society
existed before the war against Iraq, and it will become only
more pronounced afterward.
A larger message about the health of American democracy can also
be heard amid the din of disparate antiwar arguments. Many
protesters are unhappy that their arguments are being ignored --
not so much by the news media, although coverage has been
sporadic at best, but by their elected leaders. Of course, a
disconnect between the will of ordinary people and elites in
Washington has been obvious for more than a decade. It has
spurred many third-party candidacies and led to campaign-finance
reform. Now, after the manipulation of public opinion by a
president intent on war, and the failure of Congress to offer
real dissent to his policy, voters' concerns about the health of
American democracy will only deepen.
None of these undercurrents is likely to transform American
politics any time soon. But elected leaders should understand
that the direction of American foreign policy and the fate of
Iraq are not the only things protesters are concerned about.
They are also worried about the fate of America -- and if
history is any guide, their voices will only get louder.
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